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Monsoon Session — Draw a Difficult Political Line

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Parliamentary monsoon sessions are usually confusing, and sessions starting on Monday, July 18th will be no exception. This session is also dominated by polls by the President and Vice President. It begins with a historic note, where parliamentarians vote on the first day to select the country’s next Rushtrapati. It is certain that Droupadi Murmu will be elected president.

Her promotion to high rank may or may not improve many of the Adivasi. However, it shows that members of tribal groups, who are also women, can occupy the highest positions in the country.

But what caught my eye was the nomination of the NDA’s vice presidential candidate. Surprisingly — but for now, you shouldn’t be surprised by the Prime Minister’s move — BJP has announced that Jagdeep Dhankhar will be a candidate for NDA VP. The choice of BJP may be related to how the large yasaba works.

Dunkar was a lively parliamentary issue in the Chandra Shekar government in 1990. Originally from the Jats, he belongs to Rajasthan and became famous as the Governor of West Bengal in a confrontational match with the Government of Mama Tabanerjee. His three attributes, the Jats, belonging to Rajasthan, and acting “tough” as governor, show BJP’s thinking and strategies that can be adopted in the coming months.

It is clear that the BJP wants to return to the Jat agricultural community in western UP, Hariyana, Punjab and Rajasthan. Dissatisfied with the bill, the Jats were the main force that farmers instigated all year round in the suburbs of Delhi last year, forcing the central government to regain the law. The state of Rajasthan, which is scheduled for elections in 2023, is clearly in the spotlight of the party.

More importantly, Dunkar, as chairman of Rajya Saba, who is in charge of the procedure, could be more demanding against the opposition. Given the arithmetic of both houses that elect the Vice President, he is likely to win. Looking at his achievements in West Bengal, he is not ashamed of a clash with the state government and could lead to a greater dispute with the opposition in the House of Councilors.

Dunkar’s nomination took place within a few days of a move that could create anxiety among the opposition and affect MP’s freedom of speech and assembly. Rajya Sabha has issued a recommendation that parliamentarians are no longer allowed to hold Dana within parliamentary precincts. Previously, such “requests” were made to lawmakers to stop protests in parliament. Lok Sabha has published a new booklet that adds words that are considered out of parliament to the existing list. These words are common usages such as “corruption,” “embarrassing,” and “Tanasha” (dictator) that opposition leaders oppose. Authority. If the word “Tanasha” had been declared non-parliamentary 50 years ago, Indira Gandhi might not have been defeated in the 1977 elections. If the word “corruption” had been banned in 1987, Rajiv Gandhi might not have been banished in 1989. In addition, UPA was attacked by scams such as 2-G and call gates, and was not attacked daily in Congress.

Lok Sabha Chair Om Birla sought to reassure the MP that he could speak freely and that he would erase words in context. So what was the need to publish a booklet? That power is given to the speaker anyway. These moves show the growing toughness that BJP has adopted for the opposition.

But why would BJP, which has expanded its footsteps domestically and won the election after the election, be seen as suppressing the freedom of speech of parliamentarians, or worried about Dana in parliament? It’s strange. In particular, the Prime Minister will not lose the opportunity to emphasize India’s democratic confidence in the world’s capitals. It’s even more curious when the opposition is weakening.

As for the opposition, class turmoil is widespread, as evidenced by how the presidential election is handled. No one expected Yashwant Sinha to win, but he only offered a dignified counter-argument. After all, in the past, opposition defended candidates who didn’t have a chance to win — Lakshmi Sagar against APJ Abdul Karam in 2002, or PA Saury in 2012 against Planabum Karji.

Uddhav Thacke’s Shiv Sena and Hemant Soren’s JMM, who projected Shinha as an opposition candidate, decided to support Murum. Mamata Banerjee, who proposed the name of Shinha’s Rashtrapati, was in a difficult situation and had to ask Shinha not to come to West Bengal for the campaign. Given this situation, few would want to stand as a candidate for a unified opposition to the BJP in any post.

Undoubtedly, the BJP caught the opposition on the wrong foot by defending Murum. Hoping to strengthen support for the Hindi center and the tribes of the West Indian provinces where these groups are concentrated, it may be necessary to offset dissatisfaction after 10 years in power. .. By 2024, its stakes were highest in Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Bihar, Jharkhand, Gujarat, Maharastra, Rajasthan, Orissa and West Bengal. West Bengal, Orissa, Jharkhand — may help break the enemy’s support base in these states.

The BJP knew what it was doing by projecting Murum, but the opposition did not think through a political message with the candidate.

Opposition will raise the issue of inciting it to hunt down the government at the next session of Congress — Agnipass, price increases, China’s invasion, especially the latest moves to regulate digital media — the hustle and bustle will not drown out the debate On the condition.

Events in the last few days show that the already assertive BJP has decided to be more willing to take on the opposition, but it is weakening anyway — addressing what happened in the Rajastan parliament on Saturday. , Chief Justice of India NV Ramana also pointed out to the opposition’s “decreasing” space. That space can be even smaller, both inside and outside parliament.

It’s not good for the ruling party, the opposition, or the country.

The writer is a senior journalist.

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